Making Place: Humans as Dedications in Tiwanaku

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Making Place: Humans as Dedications in Tiwanaku
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  Making Place: Humans as Dedications in TiwanakuAuthor(s): Deborah E. Blom and John Wayne JanusekSource: World Archaeology, Vol. 36, No. 1, The Object of Dedication (Mar., 2004), pp. 123-141Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4128306 . Accessed: 02/03/2014 00:59 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at  . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp  . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new formsof scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.  . Taylor & Francis, Ltd.  is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to World  Archaeology. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 129.59.95.115 on Sun, 2 Mar 2014 00:59:50 AMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions   aking place humans as dedications in iwanaku Deborah E. Blom and John Wayne Janusek Abstract The character f dedication assemblages s frequently inked to the specific place and social context in which they are deposited. At the site of Tiwanaku, olitical and ceremonial center of a prehis- panic state that nfluenced much of the South American Andes for several centuries AD 500-1150), human dedications haped he significance f built ritual environments. We compare he treatment and deposition of human remains n two ritual contexts at Tiwanaku: kapana and Akapana East. In Akapana, some human remains ook on the significance f human sacrifices and, in Akapana East, they appear o have been carefully curated ancestors. n the one, they represented dlite bids for power and the encompassing dentity of the emerging Tiwanaku ommunity and, n the other, they embodied the common identity of a local residential group. Through human dedications, architectural onstructions ame to embody the identity of scaled social communities, ltimately uniting he diverse groups, 6lite and commoner, who inhabited and worshipped n the center of the emerging ivilization. Keywords Tiwanaku; edicatory burials; acrifice; ncestor worship; rchitecture; uman osteology. Ritual is, first and foremost, a mode of paying attention. It is a process for marking interest. It is this characteristic ... that explains the role of place as a fundamental component of ritual: place directs attention. (Smith 1987: 103) An appropriate place as much as an auspicious time is an essential aspect of ritual activity. As noted by Osborne (this volume), dedications, as a particular element of ritual, seek to establish a relationship between humans and transcendent beings or forces. Humans are the agents, or those who seek some return or reciprocal relationship, and dedications are offerings given in faith. Dedications are also conducted 'for the living', in that ritual activity and, most effectively, dramatic public ritual is choreographed and performed for an audience. Thus, dedications may involve more practical interests, including the z Routledge Taylor Francis roup World Archaeology Vol. 36(1): 123-141 The Object of Dedication ? 2004 Taylor & Francis Ltd ISSN 0043-8243 rint/1470-1375 nline DOI: 10.1080/0043824042000192623 This content downloaded from 129.59.95.115 on Sun, 2 Mar 2014 00:59:50 AMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions  124 Deborah E. Blom and John Wayne Janusek negotiation of status and dentity. Not only must he place be appropriate or the occasion, but the object of dedication must be appropriate o the place, the desired effects and the status of the agents. When the places, effects and agents are of paramount ignificance, only the most valued objects will suffice. In this paper we examine human bodies placed n dedication assemblages at the site of Tiwanaku n the South American Andes. Located in the Lake Titicaca basin of the Bolivian altiplano, Tiwanaku remained for more than six centuries one of the most influential centers in the South American Andes (Fig. 1). Tiwanaku emerged as the principal political and religious center of the region between AD 400 and AD 600, in the local Late Formative and Early Tiwanaku periods. By AD 700 it was an urban ceremonial center covering some 6km2. The urban core comprised several prominent monumental complexes, ncluding he Kalasasaya, he Akapana and the Pumapunku, ach a built ritual environment or a local ideological cult and distinctive ritual practices (Janusek 2004) (Fig. 2). Surrounding he ceremonial core was a vibrant urban landscape comprised of residential neighborhoods, mortuary complexes, local ritual places, waterways and, in some sectors, basins (qochas) supporting ish, gardens and camelid herds. Residential areas consisted of neighborhood areas, or barrios, separated by trampled 'streets' or channels and consisting of walled compounds. Some neighborhoods, uch as Akapana ENEZUELA E ,--' BRAZIL PERUI, BOLIVIA ) CHILE uno Lake Titicaca Arequipa . LLukunnrmata tiwanaku Moquegua \ Osmore N% 300 m Drainaga V•ll Azapa alley Figure Study area. This content downloaded from 129.59.95.115 on Sun, 2 Mar 2014 00:59:50 AMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions  Making place 125 N9 E3375 15 ontemporary Ton 6 1 Akapana 9 Mollo Kontu South N6575 0 250 500 m 2 Semi-Subterranean Temple 10 Akapana East 1M E6300 1.0 Meter Contour Interval 3 Kalasasaya 11 Akapana East 1 4 Putuni 12 Akapana East 2 5 Chunchukala 13 Marcapata 6 Kheri Kala 14 Ch'iji Jawira 7 Pumapunku 15 La K'arafia North 8 Mollo Kontu Mound 16 La Karafia South Mollo Kontu Mound 6 a W arafta South Figure Tiwanaku ap from Kolata 003). East and Mollo Kontu, maintained ocal ritual complexes, whether modest platforms or buildings (Couture 2003; Janusek 2004). If compounds housed kin-based groups consisting of multiple households, neighborhoods ormed more encompassing, diversely affiliated groups or factions that maintained mportant itual and political roles. Here, we explore the relation between dedication and place, examining n particular the relation between differences n the treatment of human remains and distinct forms of built ritual environments. We compare human remains n dedication rituals from two ritual complexes, Akapana and Akapana East, which coexisted just as Tiwanaku was emerging as the head of a centralized polity. The complexes are distinct: Akapana was one of Tiwanaku's principal monumental structures and Akapana East was a non-monumental group of ritual buildings some 200m to the east. As can be seen archaeologically, he rituals themselves were also distinct, in both plan and purpose. Those in the Akapana were involved in the building's relatively public foundation rites, while those in Akapana East were involved in its more intimate closing or interment rites. This content downloaded from 129.59.95.115 on Sun, 2 Mar 2014 00:59:50 AMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions  126 Deborah E. Blom and John Wayne Janusek We find that, in such rites, humans, perhaps the most highly valued objects of dedications, helped shape the particular meaning and significance of these distinct places. Human offerings during metaphorical rites of passage, essentially, the 'birth' or'death' of a complex, conferred on each complex a life history. Human dedications essentially anthropomor- phized each space, rendering them significant by drawing them into the intimate domain of the social life of their associated communities. Each complex embodied its respective community through its association with recently deceased ancestors or sacrificial victims. Differences in the treatment of human dedications, in relation to the different types of places they helped shape, outline the distinct groups that forged the Tiwanaku state and afford some sense of the shared meanings and practices that drew these groups together. Tiwanaku dedications Ritualized dedications involving llamas or humans were important in the 'life-cycles' of construction, renewal or closing of building complexes throughout Tiwanaku. Burying fetal llamas or humans was an important part of building or re-flooring a residential dwelling or compound. A fetal or juvenile llama was interred under each of several residential buildings dating to the Tiwanaku Period in the Akapana East barrios, just outside the ceremonial core (Janusek 2004). In one sector, Akapana East 1M, a human infant was placed in the foundation of a compound wall upon its construction. Today in the altiplano, households imagine their dwellings and compounds as scaled micro-cosmic domains with vital dimensions, and laying their foundations is likened to 'planting roots' in the ancient rock of the earth (Arnold 1992). Fetal llamas and human placentas are important elements in rituals dedicated to these foundations. Just like similar offerings do today, the Tiwanaku dedications were most likely elements in long sequences of libations and rituals intended to ensure the social regeneration and well-being of the group who inhabited the built environment. In Akapana East, interred fetal llamas were dedicated to a dwelling and its resident family, while human infants may have been dedicated to the regeneration of the group inhabiting the entire compound. More elaborate dedications involving interred human remains accompanied the construction and renewal of more high-status and ceremonial complexes in Tiwanaku. In all cases these involved single or multiple interments of both adults and children or disarticulated bones or body parts in prepared bundles or 'fetishes'. Due south of the Akapana, on a visual path with Mount Kimsachata, is the small terraced Mollo Kontu platform (Couture 2003). Located amid residential compounds, it appears to have been a local ritual complex maintained and visited by a particular residential neighborhood. Placed under, over and in front of its cobble revetment were fifteen partial or complete individuals in a variety of positions. Couture (2003) interprets this as a single event dedicated to the ritual closing of the platform. As dramatic, fifteen articulated or disarticulated individuals accompanied the razing of a high-status residential complex, the Putuni, just west of the Kalasasaya. The bodies, which included an isolated skull, were placed on old floors and in canals just prior to the construction of an elaborate, painted 61ite palace in the same location (Couture and Sampeck 2003; Kolata 1993). In both Mollo Kontu and Putuni, the status of the interments This content downloaded from 129.59.95.115 on Sun, 2 Mar 2014 00:59:50 AMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
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